'Fear Can't Decide My Duty': Sheikh Hasina On Return To Bangladesh Despite Death Sentence

The former prime minister says her decision is driven by a desire to “stand beside” the people of Bangladesh during what she describes as one of the nation’s most difficult periods

Former Bangladesh prime minister Sheikh Hasina has said she intends to return to Bangladesh by December. (Photo: AP)

Former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina says she intends to return to Bangladesh around December and is prepared to face the courts, despite being sentenced to death in one of the cases against her. In an exclusive conversation with News18 India, Hasina says her decision is driven by a desire to “stand beside” the people of Bangladesh during what she describes as one of the country’s most difficult periods. She insists that she is ready to face the law, but says any trial must be impartial and cannot be based on a predetermined verdict.

Speaking about her nearly two years outside Bangladesh, the former prime minister accuses the authorities of political persecution against Awami League leaders, workers and supporters and rejects any suggestion of a backchannel understanding with the current government or the BNP. Hasina also talks about the future of the banned Awami League, her concerns over the death sentence, the circumstances surrounding the July-August 2024 violence, and the role she expects India and the international community to play. She says her possible return is not about reclaiming power, but about defending what she calls the democratic and political rights of her supporters and allowing the people of Bangladesh to decide the country’s future.

Edited Excerpts:

You and senior leaders of the Awami League are expected to return to Bangladesh around December and voluntarily surrender before the court. Have you taken a final decision on this?

Bangladesh is my country. I have spent my entire political life with the people of Bangladesh. I have faced imprisonment, persecution, assassination attempts and repeated threats. I did not enter politics to remain outside my country when my people are passing through one of the most difficult periods in our history.

That is why I intend to return. I want to stand beside my people in this grave situation. I am prepared to face the courts and defend myself. But justice cannot mean a predetermined verdict.

If your decision is final, what will the process look like? Will senior Awami League leaders return first, will you lead the return yourself, or will all of you return together?

Since August 2024, Awami League leaders, activists and ordinary supporters have faced arrests, false cases, dismissal from employment, attacks, intimidation and violence. Many were forced to leave their homes. Many were forced to leave the country. They are not criminals; they are victims of political persecution. Who returns first, or whether leaders return together or in stages, is a practical and organisational question. That will be decided responsibly.

But the political principle is clear: We will not abandon Bangladesh. We will not abandon our people. We will not abandon the democratic struggle. The Awami League will return to the people because our politics belongs to the people.

What is the primary reason behind your decision to return to Bangladesh despite the legal and political challenges you currently face?

The reason is simple: Bangladesh is my homeland. My father, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, gave his life for the people of Bangladesh. My mother, my brothers and most of my family were killed on the soil of Bangladesh. I have spent my entire political life serving that country. My roots are there. My people are there. My duty is there.

Millions of Awami League supporters and ordinary citizens are being treated as if they have no legitimate place in their own country. I cannot remain outside Bangladesh while my people face fear, exclusion and persecution. My return is not about power. It is about responsibility. It is about standing beside the people, facing the law and allowing the people of Bangladesh to judge me.

During my tenure, I did everything I could for the betterment of Bangladesh and its people. The welfare of ordinary people was always the purpose of my politics. We used long-term planning, disciplined implementation and sound financial management to place Bangladesh on a strong foundation.

We built major national projects, including the Padma Bridge, Metro Rail, Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, Matarbari Deep Sea Port, Karnaphuli Tunnel, Bangabandhu Satellite, expressways, roads, bridges, ports, economic zones and digital infrastructure. We brought electricity to every citizen. We expanded community clinics so that rural and marginalised people could receive free healthcare and medicine near their homes. We strengthened social safety nets, provided homes and livelihood support to landless families, expanded education, supported women’s empowerment and gave Bangladesh a new standing in the world.

The economy grew from about 70 billion dollars to about 450 billion dollars. Per capita income rose from 482 dollars to 2,784 dollars. Poverty fell from 41 per cent to 18.7 per cent. Extreme poverty fell from 25.1 per cent to 5.6 per cent. Power generation capacity rose from 3,782 megawatts to more than 28,000 megawatts. Maternal and child mortality fell, access to safe drinking water and sanitation expanded, and life expectancy rose from 59 years to 73 years.

Look at what has happened after August 2024. Between June 2024 and June 2026, GDP growth fell from 6.22 per cent to 3.14 per cent. The investment-to-GDP ratio fell from 39.70 per cent to 9.93 per cent. Non-performing loans rose from 10.56 per cent to 48.26 per cent. Poverty increased from 18.5 per cent to 29.9 per cent. Extreme poverty rose from 5.3 per cent to 17.7 per cent. Unemployment rose from 3.35 per cent to 8.66 per cent. In two years, 857 factories were permanently closed, and nearly 1,92,000 people directly lost their jobs.

Since August 5, 2024, peace, security, development and people’s rights have been seriously disrupted. That is why I want to return. My return is part of the struggle to restore the rights of the people.

You have publicly expressed fears that your life could be in danger if you return. Given those concerns, why have you still chosen to go back?

Fear cannot decide my duty. There have been 19 attempts on my life. My family was murdered. I survived the August 21, 2004, grenade attack, where the intention was to kill me and destroy the Awami League leadership. Twenty-four people were killed and hundreds were injured.

I have faced imprisonment, military rule, political persecution and repeated threats. So, I understand the risk. But personal safety cannot be the only consideration in political life. I would rather return to my country and face whatever comes than live away from my people.

You have been sentenced to death in one of the cases against you. Are you concerned that the current authorities may seek to carry out that sentence once you return?

I am not concerned about my life. I have faced death many times. What concerns me is the destruction of justice. What concerns me is the use of courts, laws and institutions for political revenge.

A death sentence imposed through a politically motivated process cannot be treated as the final word on truth. I was not given a genuine opportunity to defend myself through a normal, impartial and credible judicial process. A verdict reached without full participation of the accused, without proper defence and under political pressure is not justice.

The law now being used against me was created during my tenure to bring justice for the victims of the 1971 Liberation War atrocities. If the authorities truly believe in justice, they should allow an open, independent and credible process.

Let me appear before the court. Let me present evidence. Let my lawyers defend me. Let witnesses be cross-examined. Let the evidence speak.

Has there been any backchannel communication between you or senior Awami League leaders and the current government, or with the BNP, regarding the possibility and terms of your return?

My decision to return is my own, and it is a matter of political discussion within my party. I have no political understanding with the Dhaka government. Those who banned the Awami League, filed thousands of cases against our leaders, and turned the judiciary into a weapon of political revenge cannot be partners in any secret arrangement.

My position is clear: I want to return to the people of Bangladesh because they are living under fear, repression, economic uncertainty and political disenfranchisement. My duty is to stand beside them.

Will you return unconditionally, or do you expect certain assurances from the Bangladeshi government, such as due process, security, or a fair trial?

I expect only what the Constitution and law should guarantee to every citizen: personal security, access to lawyers, the right to defend myself, an impartial judiciary, transparent proceedings and a fair hearing.

Those are not political conditions. They are basic requirements of the rule of law.

If the government says, “Come back and face justice,” then I say, “I am prepared to come back.” But justice must mean justice, not predetermined punishment.

Have you shared your return plan with the government of India? If so, what has been India’s response, especially in light of Bangladesh’s request for your extradition?

India is a sovereign country, and I will not speak on behalf of the Indian government. My understanding is that India is treating the extradition question as a legal matter, through its own legal and judicial procedures. That is for India to handle.

I have always valued India’s friendship with Bangladesh. But my decision to return to Bangladesh is my own political and moral decision. India is a friend, but Bangladesh is my homeland. I cannot remain outside my country indefinitely.

The Awami League remains banned in Bangladesh. In such circumstances, what future do you envision for your party, and how do you see it participating in the country’s political process?

The Awami League does not exist only in an office or on paper. It has roots in every corner of Bangladesh. It led the struggle for independence. It shaped the Constitution. It rebuilt the country after war. It has governed Bangladesh, developed Bangladesh and served millions of people across generations.

It has supporters in every village, every town, every profession and every section of society. Even in this difficult time, despite bans, arrests, intimidation and violence, Awami League leaders and workers are raising their voices for the people. They are protesting, as much as they can, against repression, extremism, distortion of history, attacks on the Liberation War spirit and anti-state conspiracies that threaten Bangladesh’s future.

You can ban an organisation administratively, but you cannot erase the beliefs of millions of citizens by decree. Our objective is to restore the democratic rights of Awami League supporters: to organise, speak, campaign and participate in elections.

If the government believes the people have rejected the Awami League, then let the people decide. Lift the ban. Stop persecution. Allow people to choose which person or party they want. Defeat us at the ballot box if you can. That is democracy.

You have described the verdicts of the International Crimes Tribunal as politically motivated. Would you seek a fresh, independent and impartial trial if you return? What specific legal or judicial assurances would you want?

Yes. I would welcome an independent and impartial judicial process. I must be allowed to appear personally before the court, have competent legal representation, examine and challenge the evidence, cross-examine witnesses where legally appropriate, access relevant documents, receive equal treatment between prosecution and defence, have transparent proceedings, and exercise the right to appeal according to law. That is due process.

I also want to remind people that when the violence began in July 2024, I formed a Judicial Inquiry Commission on July 18 to investigate every death, every bullet fired and every act of violence. I later expanded that commission. If I wanted to hide the truth, why would I create and strengthen a judicial inquiry while still in office?

After August 5, the illegal interim regime led by Muhammad Yunus stopped that judicial inquiry. He did not allow the truth to come out. They gave indemnity to those involved in the violence. In many cases, proper forensic truth, post-mortem evidence and documentary examination were not allowed to proceed. That tells its own story. Those who truly want justice do not stop an inquiry. They do not bury evidence. They do not give immunity to those responsible for killing, arson and violence.

The principle is simple: if you believe in justice, allow the accused to stand before the court and defend themselves. Allow the evidence to be examined. Allow witnesses to be cross-examined. A process that silences the accused, stops inquiry and gives indemnity is not justice. It is political revenge dressed up as law.

Source : https://www.news18.com/world/fear-cant-decide-my-duty-sheikh-hasina-on-return-to-bangladesh-despite-death-sentence-exclusive-ws-l-10309639.html