As much as China sees almost every aspect of life as an issue of national security, it has never published a white paper on the topic – unlike the United States where each administration typically puts out at least one National Security Strategy. That changed on May 12.
China released its first national security white paper, articulating official positions and strategic priorities. Rooted in the “comprehensive national security” concept President Xi Jinping introduced in 2014, it reflects continuity rather than a departure from past practices.
But if it’s an ongoing practice, why did China feel the need to release it as an official document now?
It’s not hard to see why. As the world undergoes unprecedented changes, China aims to project strength, to promote itself as a stabilising force and legitimate counterweight to the US that is shaking up the established international order.
The white paper tells us that even though China has repeatedly said it will “never seek hegemony”, it still wants to remind the world of the rules it plays by.
Since Mr Xi came to power, China’s definition of national security has become broad and all-encompassing, extending over some 20 domains. Beyond traditional domains like politics and the military, non-traditional fields are also seen as risks to national security – from the economy, food and culture to resources, outer space and artificial intelligence. In 2023, China briefly considered a law to ban clothing that “hurts national feelings”.
Still, the white paper – titled China’s National Security In The New Era – offers valuable insight into how Chinese leaders perceive national security, how these concerns shape national interests, and how the government intends to address emerging challenges.
ASIA-PACIFIC AS ARENA OF BIG POWER CONTEST
China sees the Asia-Pacific as the focal point of great power competitions.
Despite previously advocating that the region should not be “an arena for big power contest”, Chinese leaders now recognise that it has become an inevitability. Compared to the Biden era, US President Donald Trump’s confrontational and unilateralist approach presents a frontal challenge to China’s position in Asia.
The direct threat posed by the US is a dominant theme throughout. US efforts to strengthen regional alliances and expand military presence are depicted as exacerbating existing conflicts and territorial disputes involving China. The white paper also blamed the US’ Asian allies for participating in so-called “exclusive cliques” led by Washington.
To counter these, China is positioning itself as a champion of free trade and multilateralism. It calls for leveraging the United Nations as a platform for resolving differences, advocates deeper strategic ties with Russia, and closer engagement with European countries and Global South nations.
China aims to expand security cooperation with ASEAN member states, to offset the impact of the US’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, which it characterises as the “Asia-Pacific version of NATO” designed to contain China.
There are four “red lines” that the US must not cross: “the Taiwan issue, democracy and human rights, China’s path and institutions, and the country’s right to development”.
The last point in particular has gained importance given the spate of US tariffs and export controls, with China affirming a forceful response to any effort to stifle its development, vowing to confront “tariff wars, trade wars, technology wars and public opinion wars”.
The favourable outcome of recent US-China trade negotiations appears to have hardened Beijing’s resolve to stand firm in future conflicts with Washington.
INTERNAL SECURITY THREATS ARE BLAMED ON EXTERNAL FORCES
The white paper emphasised the interconnectedness of global and domestic security environments, but it is far better at describing the external forces than the internal threats.
Notably, the document placed the blame for China’s internal security challenges on alleged foreign conspiracies and ideological infiltration. It warned against increasing subversion efforts as the China-US rivalry intensifies.
Political security was named the “lifeline of national security”. At the core of this is the leadership role of China’s Communist Party.
Rehashing hackneyed party lines and longstanding official rhetoric, the white paper claimed that without strong party leadership, China risked political fragmentation and internal disarray with dire consequences for the nation and its people. It cautioned against efforts to divide, westernise, or destabilise China through so-called “Colour Revolutions”.
In response, there must be reinforcement of the party’s authority, suppression of separatist movements, improvements in living standards, economic development, and a more assertive defence of China’s territorial integrity.
STATE CONTROL IS BOUND TO GROW
By incorporating all aspects of public life under the national security umbrella, the state’s influence is bound to expand. The future plans outlined in the white paper confirmed this.
National security decision-making will become more centralised under Mr Xi and the party’s Central Committee. New national security legislations and regulatory frameworks will be developed to govern critical emerging fields.
The government plans to increase investment in building up national security institutions and human capital, likely leading to an expansion of both the state security and public security apparatus. National security awareness campaigns and academic research will be promoted, potentially bolstering the whole-of-society approach to counterintelligence.
New legislations and regulatory policies – building on existing national security, intelligence, and counterespionage laws – are expected to elevate the importance of national security across the board, possibly reinforcing an unwelcoming climate for foreign businesses.
State security surveillance capabilities will be upgraded, while national security campaigns targeting the public – particularly the youth – will be launched to promote ideological uniformity.
