With the political leaders of francophone Africa increasingly turning their backs on their former colonial rulers, French corporations have been forced to rethink doing business with Africa without Paris’ support.
The disruption is now in full swing, with more and more African countries, particularly in the Sahel region of northern and western Africa, rejecting the so-called Francafrique policy by their former colonial power, France.
The term refers to a complex and controversial network of political, economic, social and military ties between France and its former African colonies, describing a kind of special relationship characterized by ongoing French influence in these nations.
Often described as neocolonial, France’s Africa policy is under massive political and popular pressure, and the fight against it is openly challenging Paris’ military, diplomatic and economic footprint in Africa.
The Sahel region stretches from the Sahara Desert in the north to the savannas in the south, encompassing several countries, including Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania and Chad.
Antoine Glaser is a French journalist and former director of Paris-based magazine Africa Intelligence — a leading publication focused on Africa with editions in English and French.
He said French companies with operations in the region enjoyed “preferential treatment,” especially during the Cold War era due to the Francafrique policy.
“They thought they were at home in Africa,” he told DW, and ignored more recent realities such as the fact that Africa has “gone global and France didn’t see China coming.”
One such stark reality, he added, is Chinese companies now have a 25% market share in French-speaking Africa, while France’s share has tumbled to “between 6% and 7%.”
Moreover, French multinational nuclear fuel cycle corporation Orano announced last September that it would suspend production at its Arlit uranium mine in northern Niger due to financial difficulties faced by its Nigerien subsidiary, Somair.
The decision came as border closures between Niger and Benin, triggered by the July 2023 coup, had blocked all uranium exports, Orano said in a statement, adding: “In spite of efforts to find alternative possibilities to export the uranium produced by Somair and to relaunch commercial activities, all the proposals made to the Nigerien authorities have remained unanswered.”
In June 2024, Orano also lost its mining license for the Imouraren uranium deposit due to a decision by the military government, which revoked the license following a period of tensions and ultimatum.
Situated about 160 kilometers (100 miles) from Agadez — the largest town in central Niger — the Imouraren mine holds one of the world’s largest uranium deposits. Mining was launched by French nuclear group Areva, rebranded as Orano in 2018, which mothballed the mine in 2015 due to unfavorable market conditions.
Since then, tensions have illustrated the fragility of a system in which military and diplomatic presence supported economic interests.
Paris seeking new relationships
Beyond the uranium sector, France’s whole model of influence is being destabilized, affecting sectors like infrastructure, telecommunication, energy and public works — all symbols of France’s presence that are now being regularly challenged.
In February 2023, French President Emmanuel Macron presented a new strategy, entitled “Our Future The Africa-France Partnership,” and offering new forms of partnerships.
Unveiled by Macron ahead of his tour of Central Africa, the strategy advocates abandoning old paradigms and puts a new emphasis on economic and trade relations rather than focusing on security issues. The central idea of this new model is based on a transition from “a logic of aid to a logic of solidarity investments and partnerships,” and is meant to be a “symbiotic relationship” beneficial to all parties.
What France used to consider as its “backyard” for a long time is disappearing amid wider change in the Sahel region.
In addition, Africa as a whole is no longer France’s exclusive business playground. Countries like Turkey, Russia, China and even Germany are advancing their positions, forcing French companies to readjust their business policy if they are to survive in an increasingly competitive environment.
A French corporate consultant, speaking on condition of anonymity, told DW that in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, the real French presence was “already marginal before recent tensions” with their colonial motherland.
In the mining industry, he said, the main players are now often from Australia or Canada, like Toronto-based mining giant Barrick Mining Corporation. “The perception that France is omnipresent is stronger than the reality,” he said.
He also noted that behind “official posturing,” a strategy was becoming clearer: “Maintain a presence, but through more indirect means.”
French companies would now seek to maintain market share “without provoking rejection” by launching joint ventures, local partnerships or the creation of project companies under local law.
“There is now a dynamic in which these companies are adapting through cooperating more with local partners, setting up shared structures. It’s a way of staying active while avoiding head-on visibility,” he added.
Competition growing in Africa
Yves Ekoue Amaizo, the director at the Afrocentricity Think Tank, thinks the gradual withdrawal of French companies also opens the door to new alliances, because African countries would now have “the capacity and the partners to replace these companies.”
“China, Turkey and other immediate players are already involved. But this means accepting new, often opaque conditions, and managing a context of risks [such as] political instability, terrorism and legal uncertainties,” he told DW.
While withdrawal seems inevitable for some French multinational corporations, others are still betting on rebalancing their business strategies.
According to a report in the offshore industry magazine Offshore Technology, energy giant TotalEnergies, for example, is trying to find a new footing in English- and Portuguese-speaking countries, including Kenya, South Africa, Namibia and Angola.
Source : https://www.dw.com/en/as-frances-africa-policy-collapses-how-do-companies-adjust/a-73388353
