Mehbooba Mufti, the former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir and People’s Democratic Party leader, in an interview with DH’s Zulfikar Majid, emphasised that the final solution to the Kashmir issue can only be achieved when the region is demilitarised and its people feel a sense of accomplishment rather than defeat. She also discussed the contentious issue of Article 370, challenges facing Kashmir’s political future, and her views on the way forward for Kashmir and its people. Excerpts:
The PDP suffered a significant setback in the 2024 Assembly and general elections. What do you think were the main reasons behind it?
The primary reason was the widespread anger among the people regarding our 2015 alliance with the BJP. Additionally, since 2018, the BJP government at the Centre has actively worked to weaken the PDP. Almost 60 of our key leaders, including MLAs, MLCs, and MPs, left the party. A strong political presence takes at least 20 years, and when a party loses such a large number of senior leaders, the public starts to view it as a broken party. The question then becomes: what are we voting for?
Do you acknowledge that the PDP’s alliance with the BJP played a role in the party’s decline?
Yes, absolutely.
With the BJP making significant inroads in J&K, is there room for two major regional parties —the PDP and National Conference?
If you look at our history, we began with just one MLA, at a time when the situation in Kashmir was not ideal. The NC was in power with 68 MLAs, yet we succeeded because we had the people’s interest at heart. Success in politics is about representing the people’s interests.
A hypothetical question: if a similar situation arises in the future, would you consider an alliance with the BJP again, as you did in 2015?
I don’t consider the alliance a mistake. It had a larger purpose—to find a solution to the Kashmir issue. My father (late Mufti Mohammad Sayeed) always said that anyone can build roads and infrastructure; he didn’t want to be a CM just for that. His goal was to resolve the Kashmir problem, and that could only be done with the support of the central government.
Do you still believe that Article 370 will be eventually restored?
Why not? It has to come back through the judiciary.
But the judiciary, specifically the Supreme Court, has already ruled on this matter.
It doesn’t matter. No authority is absolute, especially when it comes to human decisions. I believe the Government of India will have to reconsider it if they genuinely want to resolve the Kashmir issue. However, I would argue that the Kashmir problem is more than just about Article 370. Even if it is restored, many other steps are needed to resolve the issue.
New Delhi claims that the only unfinished agenda regarding Kashmir is the retrieval of Pak-occupied Kashmir. Is that realistic?
I wish the government would first focus on the 4,500 sq km that China has taken over. The rhetoric about PoK is one thing, but India should first address what it actually has control over. At the same time, we see rising hostility against Muslims in India, and I wish that would stop. My suggestion to the government of India is to arrange meetings with legislators from both sides of Kashmir—one in Srinagar and one in Muzaffarabad. If legislators on the other side genuinely want to be part of India, we can make that happen. If the Indian government considers PoK to be part of India, they shouldn’t have a problem with such discussions.
Omar Abdullah has been the CM of the J&K Union Territory for almost six months now. What’s your take on his government’s performance?
It is too early to make a judgement. However, the problems in J&K go beyond just infrastructure development. Political challenges and their consequences need to be addressed, and we haven’t seen much action from the Omar government on that front.
You have often supported dialogue with Pakistan, separatists, and even militants. Do you still think that’s possible under the current right-wing government in the Centre?
We don’t expect miracles, but there are basic expectations. People hoped that an elected government would stand up for them. They wanted to see an end to the unilateral termination of government employees on allegations of pro-militancy connections, the cessation of NIA and agency raids, and the release of political prisoners from outside state jails. The NC, with its majority, should have at least been able to stand up for these issues.
Do you think a UT government has the authority to challenge these issues?
It is not about confrontation; it is about standing up for the people. Before the elections, Omar and Farooq Abdullah sought votes, claiming if any other party comes to power, they are going to normalise the situation post-August 2019.
But who has normalised everything now? Because when you don’t speak up when things are happening in the same manner that happened before (elections), that means you are normalising everything.
Do you want the elected government to confront the Lieutenant Governor regarding terminations, raids, and bans?
They should at the very least take up the issues. For example, the April 4 meeting at the Deputy CM’s residence was more about a protest over transfer orders for patwaris (junior officials). These are minor issues compared to serious concerns like the treatment of prisoners, raids, and the firing of employees. People voted for the government to safeguard them, not to engage in petty disputes over official transfers.
Critics argue that the PDP has been inconsistent in its ideology, saying that the party says one thing in power and another in opposition.
The PDP is the only party with a consistent ideology and a logical roadmap for resolving the Kashmir issue. From (late) Sheikh Abdullah to Omar Abdullah, no one has genuinely attempted to address the Kashmir issue the way Mufti Sayeed did. His approach was pragmatic, focused on finding solutions without challenging the sovereignty of India or Pakistan and without altering borders. That solution remains the only practical one.
Do you think ideas like PDP’s self-rule, NC’s autonomy, separatist UN resolutions, and militant violence have become part of Kashmir’s history, especially after the abrogation of Article 370?
The final solution to Kashmir will only come when the region is not heavily militarised, when Kashmiri people can walk with their heads held high, and when they feel a sense of accomplishment instead of defeat.
Do you mean to say Kashmiris have accepted defeat?
At this point in time, Kashmiris have a sense of defeat. But they have not accepted defeat. People are tired, and they feel betrayed. They may be lying low for now, but this isn’t normalcy. What’s happening is enforced through draconian laws like UAPA, PSA, and agency raids. It is not organic peace.
The BJP is making the same mistake the separatists made in the past. In 1990, Mufti Sayeed, as Union Home Minister, reached out to separatist leaders in jail and offered them a chance to negotiate, excluding the demand for Azadi. The separatists turned it down, thinking they could achieve independence. Today, the BJP is repeating that mistake. They fail to understand that the people’s will is often stronger than the State’s power.
But what about the changing political and ground realities right now? Because right or wrong, as you rightly said, people have accepted defeat.
As I said, there is a sense of defeat, but people have not accepted defeat. They have not given up. Because had they given up, the Government of India would not be so jittery about everything here.
Mehbooba Mufti of the 1990s travelled to parts of the valley where militants held sway and gave hope to the youth. Why aren’t you doing the same now?
We aim to reignite that hope. If we could do it then, we can do it now. But first, we need to rebuild the PDP. Once the party is strong again, the voice of Kashmir will be louder. The BJP broke our party because they knew PDP was the only real challenge, yet they left the National Conference untouched. They knew they could manage them because of their history, but they couldn’t control us. They have seen my style; they saw my father when we were even in coalition with them. It was our agenda that was working that time.
What do you foresee in the next one, five, and 10 years for Kashmir?
It won’t be easy, but there will always be a new dawn after a dark night. Kashmiris have struggled and sacrificed so much, and I don’t believe all of that will be in vain.
A short message for the people of India from a Kashmiri Muslim leader…
I would urge them not to mistreat minorities. As a Kashmiri, I can speak from experience. We failed to protect our Kashmiri Pandit minority in the 1990s. Though the situation was different then and there was fear of guns, the majority community could have done more to prevent their exodus.
